Archive for the ‘Economics’ Category

Photo Enforcement (highway speed) Cameras

Friday, December 12th, 2008

by Joe Cobb

Photo Enforcement is pervasive now all over Phoenix and Arizona, clearly as a revenue measure, but it is also an effective speed-reduction system. I have quickly learned where I can speed and where I must brake down to 65-55mph (Arizona DPS highway cops do post yellow diamond signs giving you half-mile and 300 ft. warnings, so you have time to hit the brakes.)

I understand and celebrate the spirit of rebellion. Why should the fucking government use new technology to extract cash from us, just to use the free roads.

Free roads?

Zero priced roads are not zero cost roads, and the gasoline excise tax pretends to cover this problem. A tax on vehicle axle weight would be more sensible, in regard to road maintenance.

I regard all of the roads as “somebody’s property,” in this case the highway department boss (government employee). He is the commissar who should be mandated to operate his transportation system at a cash profit. Yes, I say “cash profit” to take away the fuzzy “social benefits” claim.

I understand these new photo enforcement cameras as a toll collection – revenue technique. Toll booths and electronic-radio car sensors are other toll collection revenue techniques. The difference is that they give me a choice:

  • If I perform a behavior of obedience (to drive more slowly), the photo enforcement cameras will give me a free pass.
  • If I am in a hurry, they charge me for the use of the segment of roadway. (Current Arizona price is $181.)
  • Taxation Methods

    Among the choices of sales (consumption taxes), net income taxes (reduces savings), and direct taxes (per capita), the Henry George/D.Ricardo/Adam Smith proposal to tax land rent – and not to tax labor or capital – is the best. It is least worse among bad things.

    Add to this list what I call “the Pirates of the Caribbean tax system.” Instead of the tax collector getting maybe 10% from all of the producers, he takes 100% from a decimated group. It would increase uncertainty, but fiscally the result is the same.

    Cameras at intersections, to catch red-light runners; cameras along the freeway to collect speed fines; and the sneaky photo vans they move around to nab drivers at unusual locations; all of these are very annoying, but they are merely a “Pirates of the Caribbean” tax on highways.

    The Great Recession

    Sunday, November 9th, 2008

    Nobody uses the term “depression” any more to describe periods of economic slowdown, although it has become temporarily a fad to describe the current economic situation by reference to the 1930s. The current recession is very mild so far, although the recent election hype added trash-talk about the failure of free markets and analogies to F.D.R. Fear of yet-unknown 2009 economic news has put “depression” on the op-ed pages.

    In the 1930s, the prolonged nature of the economic downturn was new and unexpected. The stock market crashes in 1929 and 1930, the wave of bank failures in the United States, and the extent of unemployment – particularly in urban areas, where it was highly visible – were not understood. Nobody believed it was natural or normal to have such an economic downturn. The Soviet revolution only 15 years earlier raised the fear that Marx had been correct about the collapse of capitalism.

    Along came John Maynard Keynes and the creation of modern macroeconomic theory: the idea that economic science had to have a different theory for the economy as-a-whole, apart from a theory of “micro” business and consumer choices. “Macro” economics wants to look down on the earth from space and examine why booms and busts, inflations and recessions, and unemployment, happen. Like any scientist, the economist also wants to have some suggestions for curing the ailments.

    The one detail about macroeconomics, which is special, is how it engages in politics. One feature of the economy as-a-whole stands out from “micro” economic theory: government policy can be changed, and this can affect the entire economic system. Microeconomics relies on government too, but in a relatively unchanging way. Individual markets rely on property rights and contract law, which are things courts and cops enforce.

    Macroeconomics puts “economic policy” on the agenda of presidents and lawmakers as “leadership” – just as generals and admirals command armies and fleets.

    “The Free Market Has Failed”

    At a time like today, many people around the world are concerned about their jobs or their retirement funds invested in the stock market, or about losing their homes. Our political leaders are all too eager to step forward “to save us.” The lessons of elections since 1932 are very clear. No political leader can survive unless he or she is very visible “doing something.”

    The very idea of a free market is that businessmen and consumers do their own things. Prosperity and economic growth just happen, without government doing more than enforcing long-established property rights and holding court when individuals want to quarrel over them. In the Great Depression of the 1930s, the idea was born that government had to “do something” because nobody wanted just to wait for things to get better.

    Perhaps the first question should be, “Why Did the Free Market Fail?” The Marxists and other critics of free markets in general do not ask this question because they assume markets don’t work in the first place. Or they assume markets work temporarily, but do not serve humanity with social justice or equality and therefore breakdowns – causing poverty, suffering, and injustice – are just normal problems that require fixing.

    Earlier recessions and depressions had been severe, but short. The market always recovered. By 1933, people had begun to ask
    (1) why has this problem lasted longer than normal?
    and (2) why hasn’t President Hoover “done something?”

    Five excellent books look at the question of what Hoover and Roosevelt, and Congress did both to cause and to prolong the Great Depression:

  • Amity Schlaes, “The Forgotten Man” (2007)
  • Jim Powell, “FDR’s Folly; How Roosevent and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression” (2003)
  • Jude Wanniski, “The Way the World Works” (1978)
  • Murray N. Rothbard, “America’s Great
    Depression” (1963)
  • Milton Friedman, “The Great Contraction” (1963)
  • Friedman highlights the mistakes of Federal Reserve policy, Rothbard concentrates on Hoover’s mistakes, Wanniski identifies the impact of the Smoot-Hawley tariff, and Powell examines the consequences of F.D.R.’s taxes and regulations in preventing recovery.

    Rigging or Regulating Markets?

    Economists study markets and how they work. It is not our scientific, scholarly view that markets fail. Markets do not fail, because people keep on trading with each other. Economic life goes on. And we all agree that “rigging” a market will not make it work better, although many economists believe that “regulating” a market can help.

    The difference between “rigging” and “regulating” is subtle: the former is deemed greedy and criminal whereas the latter is benevolent and prevents crime. Yet, of course, all regulations help some businesses and impose costs on others, just as “rigging” a market will do. Lobbyists make a living fuzzing up the fine details for the benefit of their clients.

    The idea of centralized economic planning, Soviet style, has been discredited. Economic science did make a lot of progress after World War I – the war introduced centralized economic planning. Germany set the example for Lenin to inflict it on Russia. Economists Ludwig von Mises, in “Socialism” (1922), and Nobel Laureate F.A. Hayek in “The Use of Knowledge in Society” (1945), demonstrated why, in principle, centralized planning cannot succeed. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 settled any controversy. So, the free market does work, spectacularly well, most of the time. What needs explanation is why it seems to fail.

    Failure from External Shocks, or Internal Contradictions?

    External shocks to society, like Hurricane Katrina in 2005 or Pearl Harbor in 1941, can clearly throw normal economic activity out the window. Extraordinary actions are required. External shocks can take two forms, however, and the best response depends on what has actually happened. Natural disasters that are localized, such as earthquakes and hurricanes, can be resolved by thousands or millions of people pitching in to help; relief organizations, and governments, can mobilize resources to rescue victims and rebuild. Man-made disasters are different.

    UCLA Prof. Jack Hirshleifer in “Disaster and Recovery: A Historical Survey” (1963), observed that using free markets (free prices; free trade) to coordinate recovery speeds up effects. Restricting markets, e.g. by price controls and resource allocations, slows down recovery.

    This is due to the decentralized nature of information: when the state of our world changes, the problem is how to adapt to new conditions and move forward. If only central planners are allowed to make decisions, and others must wait for orders and directions, the amount of information about the problems and solutions must be smaller than if everyone were encouraged to use localized information and to take personal action immediately.

    Hirshleifer published his research project for the RAND Corporation and the Air Force, which was researching a nuclear war disaster.

    Is an economic slowdown or collapse more like a natural disaster, or more like a man-made disaster? Social science demonstrates that not all human-caused events are human-intended events. Not every good result is a product of good intentions, and not every bad result is a conspiracy. If economic slowdowns are more like natural disasters, we must look for systemic conditions that gradually build up during times of prosperity; then burst, or break out. Alan Greenspan called it “irrational exhuberance” during the boom times. Were the boom times themselves artificially stimulated?

    Man Made Disasters

    If an economic slowdown is more like a man-made disaster, we need to look at the specific events or policies that triggered it. The Great Depression was a man-made disaster; government caused it by wrong-headed policies.

    Jude Wanniski points to the Smoot-Hawley tariff of 1930 as an external shock to the economic system, which was definitely man made. It caused (1) the bank failures in the farm (exporting) economy, which spread to the money centers; and (2) the stock market collapses, which were closely timed to the votes in Congress. The stock market collapse of October 1929 is a famous event at the beginning of the Great Depression. It is often cited; but the stock market recovered, and the stock market’s long decline began in April 1930, when the Smoot-Hawley tariff became law. The bank failures of 1930-33 were not caused by the stock market collapses. They were caused by Congress voting to hike the tariff tax, which raised costs at a time of tightening credit. Similar to today.

    Milton Friedman points to the blunders of the Federal Reserve in 1930-33. The Fed presided over bank failures – and the disappearance of one-third of the American money supply during those three years. This caused the economic slowdown: higher costs, reduced sales, tighter credit, bank failures, appreciating monetary value. Friedman proves inflation is caused by too much money, and depressions are caused by too little money – and credit – in the economy.

    Since the money supply shrank by one-third, all of the prices in the United States in 1930-33 should have also moved down by one-third. Nobody, of course, ever cuts his price (except tactically, to increase sales). Unemployment was the result of holding up prices, which was Herbert Hoover’s unique contribution to “doing something” about the depression. Rothbard points out that Hoover was very active in promoting higher prices and wages as a solution to the depression, as also did F.D.R. after 1933. Hoover did exactly the wrong thing, as the money supply was collapsing, when he tried to keep wages and prices higher. More unemployment was the result.

    The conclusion has to be that the Great Depression of the 1930s was a man-made disaster, and it lasted for a decade because of man-made efforts to “do something” about it. This is not to say, of course, that nothing could have been done. Unfortunately the wrong things were done. F.D.R. might have declared, at the same time he closed all the banks, that all prices in America would immediately be cut by one-third. Since bank failures were an important cause of the monetary deflation, and one dollar in 1933 was more scarce and more valuable than one dollar in 1929, such a decree from the White House would have been just like what they did in France, Brazil, Argentina, et al. when they struck the extra zeroes off the money, to change a million-peso bill into a hundred-peso bill.

    Man-made disasters can be fixed by man-made changes in policy or corrective actions in the opposite direction. But this also requires understanding of the economic causes of the problem. A direct reversal of course is not always a solution, just as the damage caused by a car running over a man would not be fixed by reversing gears and running backwards over him again. But cute examples aside, if we can see and understand what has caused an economic slowdown, we can also see what might make things speed up to normal again.

    What Should Obama and Congress Do Now?

    Perhaps the most important question is what should they avoid? Jim Powell’s masterly book, “F.D.R.’s Folly,” documents the events of 1933-41 and we can clearly see how the programs of the New Deal failed to make the Great Depression go away. Powell quotes the writings of F.D.R.’s cabinet members and White House advisors. It is clear that social reform was more on their minds than economic recovery – similar to Obama. Roosevelt’s talent as a political leader was clearly of the same magnitude as Hitler, Mussolini, Peron, and Churchill. They all aroused emotions and evoked love and loyalty to their leadership. But it is quite another thing to look back and ask about their accomplishments for the public good.

    Barack Obama may preside over a short and perhaps not-severe recession, or he may choose to step on the stage of history and flex his ego. The 2008 election campaign theme of “Change” does not tell us very much, but it can signify the beginning of a long dark period in American history – like 1933-41.

    As a University of Chicago man, I am hopeful Obama’s Chicago connections will keep him from repeating F.D.R.’s folly.

    In Praise of Cheap Labor

    Thursday, October 30th, 2008

    by Paul Krugman

    Bad jobs at bad wages are better than no jobs at all.

    For many years a huge Manila garbage dump known as Smokey Mountain was a favorite media symbol of Third World poverty. Several thousand men, women, and children lived on that dump – enduring the stench, the flies, and the toxic waste in order to make a living combing the garbage for scrap metal and other recyclables. And they lived there voluntarily, because the $10 or so a squatter family could clear in a day was better than the alternatives.

    The squatters are gone now, forcibly removed by Philippine police last year as a cosmetic move in advance of a Pacific Rim summit. But I found myself thinking about Smokey Mountain recently, after reading my latest batch of hate mail.

    The occasion was an op-ed piece I had written for The New York Times, in which I had pointed out that while wages and working conditions in the new export industries of the Third World are appalling, they are a big improvement over the “previous, less visible rural poverty.” I guess I should have expected that this comment would generate letters along the lines of, “Well, if you lose your comfortable position as an American professor you can always find another job – as long as you are 12 years old and willing to work for 40 cents an hour.”

    Such moral outrage is common among the opponents of globalization – of the transfer of technology and capital from high-wage to low-wage countries and the resulting growth of labor-intensive Third World exports. These critics take it as a given that anyone with a good word for this process is naive or corrupt and, in either case, a de facto agent of global capital in its oppression of workers here and abroad.

    But matters are not that simple, and the moral lines are not that clear. In fact, let me make a counter-accusation: The lofty moral tone of the opponents of globalization is possible only because they have chosen not to think their position through. While fat-cat capitalists might benefit from globalization, the biggest beneficiaries are, yes, Third World workers.

    After all, global poverty is not something recently invented for the benefit of multinational corporations. Let’s turn the clock back to the Third World as it was only two decades ago (and still is, in many countries). In those days, although the rapid economic growth of a handful of small Asian nations had started to attract attention, developing countries like Indonesia or Bangladesh were still mainly what they had always been: exporters of raw materials, importers of manufactures. Inefficient manufacturing sectors served their domestic markets, sheltered behind import quotas, but generated few jobs. Meanwhile, population pressure pushed desperate peasants into cultivating ever more marginal land or seeking a livelihood in any way possible – such as homesteading on a mountain of garbage.

    Given this lack of other opportunities, you could hire workers in Jakarta or Manila for a pittance. But in the mid-’70s, cheap labor was not enough to allow a developing country to compete in world markets for manufactured goods. The entrenched advantages of advanced nations – their infrastructure and technical know-how, the vastly larger size of their markets and their proximity to suppliers of key components, their political stability and the subtle-but-crucial social adaptations that are necessary to operate an efficient economy – seemed to outweigh even a tenfold or twentyfold disparity in wage rates.

    And then something changed. Some combination of factors that we still don’t fully understand – lower tariff barriers, improved telecommunications, cheaper air transport – reduced the disadvantages of producing in developing countries. (Other things being the same, it is still better to produce in the First World – stories of companies that moved production to Mexico or East Asia, then moved back after experiencing the disadvantages of the Third World environment, are common.) In a substantial number of industries, low wages allowed developing countries to break into world markets. And so countries that had previously made a living selling jute or coffee started producing shirts and sneakers instead.

    Workers in those shirt and sneaker factories are, inevitably, paid very little and expected to endure terrible working conditions. I say “inevitably” because their employers are not in business for their (or their workers’) health; they pay as little as possible, and that minimum is determined by the other opportunities available to workers. And these are still extremely poor countries, where living on a garbage heap is attractive compared with the alternatives.

    And yet, wherever the new export industries have grown, there has been measurable improvement in the lives of ordinary people. Partly this is because a growing industry must offer a somewhat higher wage than workers could get elsewhere in order to get them to move. More importantly, however, the growth of manufacturing – and of the penumbra of other jobs that the new export sector creates – has a ripple effect throughout the economy. The pressure on the land becomes less intense, so rural wages rise; the pool of unemployed urban dwellers always anxious for work shrinks, so factories start to compete with each other for workers, and urban wages also begin to rise. Where the process has gone on long enough – say, in South Korea or Taiwan – average wages start to approach what an American teen-ager can earn at McDonald’s. And eventually people are no longer eager to live on garbage dumps. (Smokey Mountain persisted because the Philippines, until recently, did not share in the export-led growth of its neighbors. Jobs that pay better than scavenging are still few and far between.)

    The benefits of export-led economic growth to the mass of people in the newly industrializing economies are not a matter of conjecture. A country like Indonesia is still so poor that progress can be measured in terms of how much the average person gets to eat; since 1970, per capita intake has risen from less than 2,100 to more than 2,800 calories a day. A shocking one-third of young children are still malnourished–but in 1975, the fraction was more than half. Similar improvements can be seen throughout the Pacific Rim, and even in places like Bangladesh. These improvements have not taken place because well-meaning people in the West have done anything to help – foreign aid, never large, has lately shrunk to virtually nothing. Nor is it the result of the benign policies of national governments, which are as callous and corrupt as ever. It is the indirect and unintended result of the actions of soulless multinationals and rapacious local entrepreneurs, whose only concern was to take advantage of the profit opportunities offered by cheap labor. It is not an edifying spectacle; but no matter how base the motives of those involved, the result has been to move hundreds of millions of people from abject poverty to something still awful but nonetheless significantly better.

    Why, then, the outrage of my correspondents? Why does the image of an Indonesian sewing sneakers for 60 cents an hour evoke so much more feeling than the image of another Indonesian earning the equivalent of 30 cents an hour trying to feed his family on a tiny plot of land – or of a Filipino scavenging on a garbage heap?

    The main answer, I think, is a sort of fastidiousness. Unlike the starving subsistence farmer, the women and children in the sneaker factory are working at slave wages for our benefit – and this makes us feel unclean. And so there are self-righteous demands for international labor standards: We should not, the opponents of globalization insist, be willing to buy those sneakers and shirts unless the people who make them receive decent wages and work under decent conditions.

    This sounds only fair – but is it? Let’s think through the consequences.

    First of all, even if we could assure the workers in Third World export industries of higher wages and better working conditions, this would do nothing for the peasants, day laborers, scavengers, and so on who make up the bulk of these countries’ populations. At best, forcing developing countries to adhere to our labor standards would create a privileged labor aristocracy, leaving the poor majority no better off.

    And it might not even do that. The advantages of established First World industries are still formidable. The only reason developing countries have been able to compete with those industries is their ability to offer employers cheap labor. Deny them that ability, and you might well deny them the prospect of continuing industrial growth, even reverse the growth that has been achieved. And since export-oriented growth, for all its injustice, has been a huge boon for the workers in those nations, anything that curtails that growth is very much against their interests. A policy of good jobs in principle, but no jobs in practice, might assuage our consciences, but it is no favor to its alleged beneficiaries.

    You may say that the wretched of the earth should not be forced to serve as hewers of wood, drawers of water, and sewers of sneakers for the affluent. But what is the alternative? Should they be helped with foreign aid? Maybe – although the historical record of regions like southern Italy suggests that such aid has a tendency to promote perpetual dependence. Anyway, there isn’t the slightest prospect of significant aid materializing. Should their own governments provide more social justice? Of course – but they won’t, or at least not because we tell them to. And as long as you have no realistic alternative to industrialization based on low wages, to oppose it means that you are willing to deny desperately poor people the best chance they have of progress for the sake of what amounts to an aesthetic standard – that is, the fact that you don’t like the idea of workers being paid a pittance to supply rich Westerners with fashion items.

    In short, my correspondents are not entitled to their self-righteousness. They have not thought the matter through. And when the hopes of hundreds of millions are at stake, thinking things through is not just good intellectual practice. It is a moral duty.

    Links

    To get a taste of moral outrage against globalization, turn to Corporate Watch, a site dedicated to exposing the “greed” of transnational giants. Or, for a bizarre twist, check out Sweat Gear, a satirical online catalog that attacks sweatshops in Central America. Another argument against globalization – that it threatens democracy – is made by Benjamin Barber in the Atlantic. The Clinton administration’s word on the subject can be found in a speech by Labor Secretary Robert Reich to the International Labor Organization urging better compliance with core labor standards.

    Paul Krugman is a professor of economics at MIT. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics. This column was published in The New York Times March 20, 2008. Copyright by The New York Times.

    Obama's Magic. Presto, Change-o!

    Sunday, October 12th, 2008

    by Kimberly A. Strassel
    The Wall Street Journal, October 12, 2008

    And now, America, we introduce the Great Obama! The world’s most gifted political magician! A thing of wonder. A thing of awe. Just watch him defy politics, economics, even gravity! (And hold your applause until the end, please.)

    To kick off our show tonight, Mr. Obama will give 95% of American working families a tax cut, even though 40% of Americans today don’t pay income taxes! How can our star enact such mathemagic? How can he “cut” zero? Abracadabra! It’s called a “refundable tax credit.” It involves the federal government taking money from those who do pay taxes, and writing checks to those who don’t. Yes, yes, in the real world this is known as “welfare,” but please try not to ruin the show.

    For his next trick, the Great Obama will jumpstart the economy, and he’ll do it by raising taxes on the very businesses that are today adrift in a financial tsunami! That will include all those among the top 1% of taxpayers who are in fact small-business owners, and the nation’s biggest employers who currently pay some of the highest corporate tax rates in the developed world. Mr. Obama will, with a flick of his fingers, show them how to create more jobs with less money. It’s simple, really. He has a wand.

    Next up, Mr. Obama will re-regulate the economy, with no ill effects whatsoever! You may have heard that for the past 40 years most politicians believed deregulation was good for the U.S. economy. You might have even heard that much of today’s financial mess tracks to loose money policy, or Fannie and Freddie excesses. Our magician will show the fault was instead with our failure to clamp down on innovation and risk-taking, and will fix this with new, all-encompassing rules. Presto!

    Did someone in the audience just shout “Sarbanes Oxley?” Usher, can you remove that man? Thank you. Mr. Obama will now demonstrate how he gives Americans the “choice” of a “voluntary” government health plan, designed in such a way as to crowd out the private market and eliminate all other choice! Don’t worry people: You won’t have to join, until you do. Mr. Obama will follow this with a demonstration of how his plan will differ from our failing Medicare program. Oops, sorry, folks. The Great Obama just reminded me it is time for an intermission. Maybe we’ll get to that marvel later.

    We’re back now. And just watch the Great Obama perform a feat never yet managed in all history. He will create that enormous new government health program, spend billions to transform our energy economy, provide financial assistance to former Soviet satellites, invest in infrastructure, increase education spending, provide job training assistance, and give 95% of Americans a tax (ahem) cut — all without raising the deficit a single penny! And he’ll do it in the middle of a financial crisis. And with falling tax revenues! Voila!

    Moving along to a little ventriloquism. Study his mouth carefully, folks: It looks like he’s saying “I’ll stop the special interests,” when in fact the words coming out are “Welcome to Washington, friends!” Wind and solar companies, ethanol makers, tort lawyers, unions, community organizers — all are welcome to feed at the public trough and to request special favors. From now on “special interests” will only refer to universally despised, if utterly crucial, economic players. Say, oil companies. Hocus Pocus!

    And for tonight’s finale, the Great Obama will uphold America’s “moral” obligation to “stop genocide” by abandoning Iraq! While teleported to the region, he will simultaneously convince Iranian leaders to peacefully abandon their nuclear pursuits (even as he does not sit down with them), fix Afghanistan with a strategy that does not resemble the Iraqi surge, and (drumroll!) pull Osama bin Laden out of his hat!

    Tada!

    You can clap now. (Applause. Cheers.) We’d like to thank a few people in the audience. Namely, Republican presidential nominee John McCain, who has so admirably restrained himself from running up on stage to debunk any of these illusions and spoil everyone’s fun.

    We know he’s in a bit of a box, having initially blamed today’s financial crisis on corporate “greed,” and thus made it that much harder to call for a corporate tax cut, or warn against excessive regulation. Still, there were some pretty big openings up here this evening, and he let them alone! We’d also like to thank Mr. McCain for keeping all the focus on himself these past weeks. It has helped the Great Obama to just get on with the show.

    As for that show, we’d love to invite you all back for next week’s performance, when the Great Obama will thrill with new, amazing exploits. He will respect your Second Amendment rights even as he regulates firearms! He will renegotiate Nafta, even as he supports free trade! He will . . .

    This article is copyright 2008 by Dow-Jones & Company, Inc.
    Link to original article.

    The Credit Collapse is Like a Trade Barrier

    Tuesday, October 7th, 2008

    by Joe Cobb

    I wrote an article for Reason magazine back in 1974 in which I opened with the comment that “credit” is a Latin word, 3rd person singular, translated means “he believes.” (“I believe” is a credo, first person singular.)

    A modern economic system, as Adam Smith pointed out, grows more productive to the extent that it is able to promote specializations and wider trade among more people. Free international trade promotes growth and prosperity because it removes barriers that constrict and make a market smaller with fewer people to divide the labor among.

    Barriers to trade make a market smaller, and specialization is reduced, and people are poorer.

    There is an analogy here with a collapse of trustworthiness in a financial market. It will have the same contraction effect as any restriction in a goods-and-services market: it will produce a slowdown in trade, and a slowdown in growth. If a lender cannot trust he will be paid back, the cooperation between lender and borrower cannot occur. This is just as powerful a barrier as forbidding or taxing them, as a tariff would do.

    Every economist agrees the Smoot-Hawley tariff of 1930 was a major cause of the Great Depression, and Jude Wanniski pointed out in his book, The Way the World Works, that as the tariff legislation was moving through Congress in 1929-30, the stock market was responding exactly the same way as it was responding last week to the votes in the House and Senate on the bailout.

    The new collapse on Monday, Oct.6, seems to have been led by European and Asian markets. They have not been able to get their act together to agree on any credit bailout process. And, sometimes these things turn into an unstable (short term) panic just because so few people can really see the big picture. They respond to short term emotionalism.

    What is the Answer?

    One thing that bothers me is that there is no “partial” libertarian answer. The government creation of “Fannie Mac” and the Community Reinvestment Act of 1977, which forced the lowering of credit standards in housing, and the on-going pressure from Congress to promote “affordable housing” over the past decades, intensifying since 2003, has caused this collapse. The creation of the Federal Reserve in 1913 was the first of many ways the financial markets were rigged. The Glass-Steagall Act created artificial “investment banks,” which have finally disappeared in bankruptcy and mergers. FDIC insurance in 1934 was another way the financial markets have been protected from competitive pressure. This has not been a “deregulated” market; it has been rigged.

    Yet, for me or anyone to suggest a partial libertarian solution without going all the way to advocate a total elimination of government national currencies, central banks, etc. would not work. And to advocate a total libertarian solution would look like very silly and impractical suggestions. This is very similar to the situation Ayn Rand observed when she contemned David Nolan for founding the Libertarian Party. She said “nothing short of a total philosophical transformation” would work. She was correct. But for a rational person, that is like asking for a transformation of human nature itself, including everyone waking up tomorrow morning and acknowledging “there is no god.” It just won’t happen.

    Here is my suggestion for a transition system, which could function like an emergency “back up” method of pricing and payments for financial assets, outside of the Federal Reserve.

    Paper presented at the Center for the Study of Public Choice, George Mason University, February 15, 1984.

    The Weak Dollar and Inflation

    Saturday, November 10th, 2007

    Here is a report from ABC News about the Congressional Joint Economic committee hearing on November 8, 2007. Presidential candidate congressman Ron Paul questioned Federal Reserve Chairman Ben Bernanke about the operations of the Fed, in regard to expanding bank reserves.

    Paul vs. Bernanke on the Value of the Dollar
    by Z. Byron Wolf, ABC News

    I wish Ron Paul were better focused. His ranting at Bernanke about “printing money” is based on his elementary reading of classical economic theory. Those great cassical economics writers mostly emphasized the cause of inflation as increases in the money supply. But the value of money, like the value of everything else, is determined by supply and demand. In today’s monetary system, explaining inflation requires understanding also the demand side. An increase in the supply of money today is less important than whatever impacts the demand for money, particularly in foreign exchange markets – when the demand drops and good alternatives like the Yen and Euro are available.

    In the classical economic model, the demand for money is a constant force, or it changes very slowly. The supply of money, e.g. a printing press, gives all the action. Everybody understands the “bountiful harvest” model: a larger supply of apples reduces the price of each apple. Likewise, more dollars; cheaper dollars.

    But even if the harvest is not up, the same thing would happen to the price of apples if people decided to stop buying them due to some fad or concern they might be bad for your health. When the international, outside-the-USA demand for dollars falls, the exchange rate of the dollar also falls. Dollar-prices of U.S. imports increase, and with oil among the greatest imports, the cost-pressure hits every sector of the U.S. economy. Domestic price level inflation is mostly due to rising import costs, not domestic factors. It is not due to a surge in the supply of domestic U.S. dollars.

    Ron Paul should have asked chairman Bernanke whether he thinks the Federal Reserve can ultimately affect the demand for the U.S. dollar merely by manipulating bank reserves and the Federal Funds interest rate? In other words, he should have asked about Bernanke’s central operating tool – and whether it really works in today’s open economy, with a globalized demand for dollar-denominated assets (particularly U.S. currency). The Federal Reserve periodically studies how much U.S. currency leaves the country every year: the number is something like 80 percent of newly printed U.S. currency is exported to foreign banks.

    So to understand the plunging foreign exchange value of the “weak” dollar, the real question is why all those really smart foreign investment managers, in Europe and Asia, are beginning to have doubts about the United States economy and the leadership of President Bush? They’re dumping dollars, and Bernanke can’t do anything about it. Is there a possibility here they are growing cautious due to the evidence of mistakes and an over extended foreign policy?

    And what could Ron Paul’s proposal for a classical gold standard do about that? Not much.

    Should We Abolish the Federal Reserve?

    Tuesday, June 19th, 2007

    Congressman Ron Paul has introduced his bill to abolish the Federal Reserve. Every new Congress he introduces this legislation. It is H.R.2755 in this 110th Congress.

    [click here] to read the language of the legislation.

    To abolish the Federal Reserve raises the question, “what happens afterwards?” On the first day, there would likely be no change at all. Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Chase, and your local credit union would keep on using the ACH to debit/credit dollars just as they have done for the last five decades. The stock market will still open tomorrow morning and people will buy and sell securities in “dollars.”

    Even if the Federal Reserve were abolished, the 12 “member banks” of the Federal Reserve system are private corporations; they would still be in business, and the payments-clearing system they operate would still be in operation. They would still buy coins from the U.S. Mint to distribute to banks, and they would still provide currency services on behalf of the U.S. Bureau of Engraving and Printing.

    In other words, abolishing the Federal Reserve Board of Governors, and the Federal Open Market Committee, would not be a large loss. Milton Friedman recommended doing this small step years ago. The monetary base does not need to increase or decrease, in the short run, and the interest rates do not need manipulation by Ben Bernanke.

    The Problem is Monopoly

    It is important to understand the basic problem with the Fed is mainly its monopoly role, which takes two forms.

    The first is a collection of various laws that make Federal Reserve accounting unit dollars (F.R.A.U.D.) our official “legal tender,” and do not allow the same status to private paper money, such as American Express traveler’s cheques and the BerkShares used in Great Barrington, Massachusetts.

    There is no essential need for anything to be “legal tender,” except to define what the government will accept in payment of taxes. As long as the government is going to collect taxes, it might be appropriate for legislation to define what the U.S. Treasury will accept.

    The second “monopoly” question is, what should the government use as the digits with which to keep its own books of accounting, and what should it pay out as salaries and for purchases from the private sector? Whatever it adopts will overwhelmingly affect the private financial markets, although government does not need to mandate a unit of accounting for private use.

    The classic coin, “dollar,” no longer exists, and the new substitutes, the pure silver troy ounce medals (e.g. “Liberty Dollar” and the U.S. Mint’s troy ounce coin, which even says “legal tender: one dollar”) are somewhat large in size/weight for pocket money. Nevertheless, the silver troy ounce (31.1035 grams of .9999 silver) could become the new bookkeeping unit, and private banks and individuals could issue demand deposit accounts, debit/credit cards, and paper banknotes to facilitate their use in commerce and finance.

    I have always liked the gram of gold as a bookkeeping unit. Although nobody would manufacture a one gram coin, a 10g coin would be about the size of a U.S. quarter, assuming either 90% alloy (classical U.S. standard) or 92.5% (classical U.K. “sterling” standard = 22 carat). But in either case, debit/credit cards and EFT/ACH would be more common for transactions and the gram of gold would be worth about $30 in todays F.R.A.U.D.-value.

    More Important: Government Bookkeeping

    The second “monopoly” issue is more important: what should the government itself use for bookkeeping? I advocate the government should adopt a law saying that individuals themselves shall always have the right to keep their books of account and transactions in whatever form they select, without any government mandate. (The Tax Reform Act of 1986 [Internal Revenue Code, Sec. 985(b)(1)(A)] was the first enactment of Congress to require use of the U.S. dollar, i.e. the legal tender F.R.A.U.D. This was recommended by the I.R.S. because following the 1970s inflation, some people had adopted bullion units of weight for bookkeeping.) The law enacting this monopoly should be repealed.

    Whatever the government itself adopted would become an “elephant in the chicken yard,” and would immediately become the most commonly adopted unit of account for private transactions and finance. It would be unfortunate if the silver troy ounce were adopted, since it would overshadow gold, which Mises has argued is a superior basis for a modern monetary system. Therefore, I would hope Congress would adopt the gram of pure gold as the basic unit of governmental bookkeeping.

    The current paper dollar economy could continue on for decades after the Federal Reserve disappears, because the dollar-monetary base would simply remain as a frozen, fixed quantity of government liabilities. It would become a “parallel currency” (there is extensive literature in economics about parallel currencies) and could operate quite smoothly in the same manner as foreign exchange markets work today, with a competitive exchange rate quoted every few minutes on electronic financial exchanges.

    And, then, in the alternative, there are the suggestions of Prof. Leland Yeager of Auburn University. (See his “An Evaluation of Freely-Fluctuating Exchange Rates,” PhD dissertation, Columbia University, 1952, and subsequent work.) He suggests the government should define its own new unit as a composite of several different commodities (oil, metal, grain, et al.) and having defined the new unit of account, should entirely leave the creation of the tangible exchange media/cards/ETF up to the private sector.

    The Tax on Your Retirement Savings

    Monday, March 19th, 2007

    A special income tax is hidden among the instructions on your Federal form 1040. If you are younger than retirement age, you would have no reason to notice it at all. It is found on line 20 of the long Federal tax form, identified as “Social Security benefits.”

    You don’t get Social Security benefits yet? Learn about this tax now, before it hits you – hard. Every dollar you put away into tax-sheltered savings (except Roth IRA contributions) will one day pay this tax. This tax is a classic of political stealth and deception.

    Line 20 does not tax Social Security benefits, since these benefits are not taxable. Instead, this special tax falls on other income you receive after you begin receiving Social Security benefits. This tax changes your gross income, and that is what changes your tax rate when you receive money from a retirement account.

    The tax increase is not small. It jumps up your marginal tax rate by 50 percent. So if you are in the 15 percent tax bracket, your marginal tax rate becomes 22.5 percent. And if you are already in the 25 percent tax bracket, it can raise your marginal tax rate by 85 percent: instead of paying 25 percent tax to the IRS for what you get from an IRA or 401(k) plan, you will pay 46.25 percent on this money.

    Imagine two twins, both with identical jobs and incomes. But let’s say one twin saves lots of money and the second twin spends everything. Assume that each twin receives identical Social Security benefits, but the first also receives distributions from a 401(k) plan he contributed to, and never paid taxes for, his entire life. Taxes will be due when the retirement distributions begin. If the second twin keeps on working, because he has no savings, his marginal tax rate will be perhaps 15 percent. But the retirement distributions from the first twin will have a tax rate of 22.5 percent on every dollar. If the twins were in the 25 percent tax bracket, the frugal, prudent twin would pay 46.25 percent on every dollar.

    Only professional income tax preparers, and members of Congress, are aware of how this tax works (only a few Congressional staff understand it). For a chilling look at how it is calculated, check out the instructions and the worksheets that come along with Line 20. You’ll find a masterpiece of confusion.

    This tax was first passed in 1983. In those days, Social Security was headed for bankruptcy by 1990, so a tax increase was the solution Senator Bob Dole and Alan Greenspan, not yet chairman of the Federal Reserve, decided to give us. They knew it would be political dynamite to change anything about Social Security, so they crafted this sneaky idea. Social Security would not be touched! Instead, other income you get in retirement would be taxed at a higher rate.

    To delay any visible effects of this tax for at least 10 years, a large $25,000 exemption was granted ($32,000 for married couples filing joint tax returns). But the exemption was not indexed for inflation. Congress did that on purpose, so eventually everyone would come under this special tax – but not until the culprit members of Congress had retired. A quarter century has passed and this tax now affects the savings of almost every retired American. In a few years all but the poorest retired people will pay this extra tax.

    Last year, Congress passed amendments to the 401(k) law to enroll all American workers automatically, and a special retirement savings credit, form 8880, has been part of the tax code for the past four years. It is as if Congress knows raising taxes directly is unpopular, so they design schemes to collect more revenue indirectly from people’s tax-sheltered retirement savings. Young people who are encouraged to save for retirement are being suckered (only the Roth IRA escapes this tax).

    Is your plan for retirement to give the federal tax collector half of what you’ve saved? The only good news in this story is that California state income tax does not have this higher rate feature. The tax systems in Arizona and about 40 other States do include this extra tax, automatically incorporating it in your “adjusted gross income.”

    The lesson to be learned from this sneaky tax on retirement savings should be to toss out the entire tax code and replace it with a federal system of simple, flat-rate State taxes (see my book on this site). It is treacherously undemocratic for any tax system to be as incomprehensible as the one in the United States today.

    Little Scraps of Paper for the IRS

    Tuesday, January 23rd, 2007

    The end of January brings an annual blizzard of little scraps of paper to everyone’s mail box: income tax documents from employers, banks, pension funds, mortgage lenders, and governments. The income tax relies on one of the most complex systems of information reporting ever devised. Billions of documents are printed and mailed, filed electronically, and cross-referenced. The Internal Revenue Service and all the state departments of revenue receive copies of all of them, in order to do a computer “audit” of everyone who files a tax return.

    The income tax has been described as a system of voluntary self-reporting, but that misleading idea is based only on the final tax return each taxpayer signs and submits by April 15. The taxman already knows what your income is, from the little scraps of paper other people send in about you; but the information is not compiled into a coherent financial profile until you submit the tax return.

    It takes the IRS from six to twelve months to digest the flood of tax documents submitted in January each year. All that info has to be entered into the central computer and cross-tabbed by employer or payer identification numbers and social security numbers.

    Imagine what this system of information collection must have been like in 1943, the first year the payroll withholding tax was in effect. There were no computers; everything had to be done by hand. The IRS had to maintain acres of warehouse space just to store the file cabinets and index cards. It would never have been possible if Social Security had not become law six years earlier. In 1937, the federal government had started giving numbers to every worker. Employers had started sending payroll data in to the Social Security Administration and money to the U.S. Treasury. The financial information reported to Social Security became the basis for our current tax system.

    The income-reporting system also provides a rich field for mischief. Anyone can obtain a tax-reporting number, as a potential employer or payer of money to individuals. With that nine-digit number you can then file such reports on little scraps of paper. A cruel practical joke would only require someone to get a number for a fictional company, write up a 1099-Misc form, obtain an individual’s Social Security number, and report to the IRS that the person was paid a few thousand dollars.

    The law says both the IRS and the individual should get a copy of every 1099 form, but this is a practical joke, remember, so the victim doesn’t get a copy. About two years later the IRS will match up the false 1099 with the victim’s tax return and send the victim an audit letter, demanding payment of taxes on the “unreported income,” which of course the victim knows nothing about until the threatening letter from the IRS arrives. This is exactly what computer virus hackers and pranksters do just for fun to your computer over the Internet and by e-mail.

    How can the victims disprove the accusations from the IRS that they did not actually receive any income from the fictional employer you have created? Nobody can prove a negative claim, which is why traditional law says you are innocent until someone proves you are guilty. But in our tax law, it is just the reverse.

    Just fighting off the IRS for several years would cause the victim some distress, and to make the problem go away, the person might actually send money to the government.

    Such pranks are against the law, of course. Nobody should break the law. But bad people do bad things all the time, which is why we have anti-virus programs and firewalls on our computers. Government ought not to set up a tax system based on little scraps of paper, which opens the door for hackers and pranksters to submit “virus” tax documents into the IRS computer. And in rethinking that reporting system, maybe government should rethink the whole idea of having an income tax to begin with.

    Subsidized Agriculture and Illegal Immigration

    Sunday, December 17th, 2006

    Here in Arizona, it is no surprise that many illegal immigrants are young workers, and some of those seek agricultural employment. Back in 1982-83, when NAFTA was first being talked about, I was working in the State Department. We talked about the comparative advantage of more open trade to each country, and one of Mexico’s advantages is agriculture – climate and low cost labor.

    Yet, in the past 20 years, the U.S. Senate (in particular) and the House have continued to increase subsidies for agriculture. Look at the votes of the Senators from Southeastern and North Central agricultural states, which are losing population due to increased productivity in agriculture. Less labor is needed; fewer jobs; Americans are moving to cities and low cost labor is no longer plentiful on large farms when seasonal demands arise.

    Subsidized changes in the United States have also affected Mexico’s economy.

    Rural Mexican farmers have been particularly hurt by the removal of import duties and quotas. Mexican city dwellers are benefitting from lower food prices, but rural farmers are suffering a drop in their monetary income, although in their villages they are still self-sufficient but at a poverty level.

    Part of the “transition costs” in any opening of trade is the adjustment that formerly protected domestic industries must face. In Mexico, the adjustment for rural Mexico has often been that U.S.-subsidized corn, beans, and rice are cheaper in the cash/city market than home grown staples. Transportation and storage costs are also a factor, since efficient systems from the U.S. displace more primitive delivery from rural Mexico.

    Labor productivity in rural regions of Mexico is often low, as Nobel-laureate Theodore Schultz demonstrated by his research into “penny agriculture.” There is not sufficient marginal incentive for those workers at home. They look north for job opportunities, in American subsidized agriculture and more advanced work, like construction – subsidized by our residential housing angels, Fannie Mae/Freddie Mac?

    Why are these Latino workers “illegal”? It is because for the next 20 years the racial/national visa quota from Mexico has been filled up by the elderly relatives of their green-carded children and grandchildren already here, under the “family unification” prime directive of U.S. immigration law. There are no available visas for young workers – the kind who might legally save Social Security’s solvency. There are no legal work visas.

    So, thank you, agricultural (corporate?) welfare queens, and U.S. Senator Join Kyle. You have given us not only more expensive food, but also an illegal immigration problem. [see my further comment below, about Kyle]